The chancellor has handled the imminent financial plan comparable to a reluctant bather inching into cold water, striving to ease the discomfort through incremental immersion.
She commenced dealing with the challenge of inadequate funds near the end of summer. Initially, she refused to uphold previous insistence that revenue hikes in the previous year's budget would be the last ones.
Then, in early November, she took a larger step into the freezing sea. A speech promised to "implement needed measures" to fund state services and maintain debt expenses low.
After 10 days, the exchequer had withdrawn the implication. The manifesto commitment remained intact in the end. Like every icy-water bather realizes, this aborted plunge and quivering retreat is the worst of all methods. Nothing extends the discomfort like hesitation.
It's challenging to be firm when deciding between levels of self-inflicted harm.
Expectation has not been a successful tactic for this government. Central of the Labour leader's political platform was the futile expectation of in some way satisfying the public's call for enhanced public services without overturning large sums of Tory reductions in taxation.
Not once has either the prime minister or Reeves effectively conveyed a sense of collective goal to justify all this pain. In part that is a problem of charisma. Both leaders are remarkably alike in their communicative deficiency, awkward and reserved in a way that repels audiences away instead of drawing them in.
Similarly to electoral expectations to invest in state services has forced the finance ministry to acknowledge that levies must go up, the economic imperative of boosting prosperity makes it ever harder to ignore the price of detachment from the continental trading bloc.
Ministers used a period splashing in the shallow end of closer ties with the EU: proposals to end border inspections on food items; a youth mobility scheme. Vision went a more substantial on energy, armed forces partnership, but no major deals has so far been finalized.
Without definite guidance and momentum from No 10, negotiations are bogged down. The European Commission says economic advantages are obtained with payments to the continental treasury. British officials understand that's the arrangement. That doesn't lead them enthusiastic for a open dispute and campaigners screaming disloyalty over whatever price ends up being paid.
Economic reality has triggered some change in the government's tone on the continental partnership. She has begun citing Brexit alongside the Covid pandemic as a cause of economic damage that the Treasury is toiling to repair. Other ministers have emulated this, although they cautiously assign the blame to "a bad Brexit deal" or "the way we left", never just "withdrawal".
The issue of the nation's future relationship with the European Union can't be simplified to administrative modifications and import controls when the whole geopolitical order is in constant change. Given everything that has transpired since the Brexit vote, it feels appropriate still to be posing the big question: were the UK's priorities served by departing the European Union?
These constitute sobering, challenging facts about the nation's position in uncertain world affairs. It is understandable that both leaders recoil from the challenge. It would take them outside their comfort zone, into forces that they cannot oppose. So rather they carry on apprehensively moving along the shore, hoping that perhaps shortly the circumstances will turn.
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