On the exact day Donald Trump received a custom-made "award for peace" from his newest ally, FIFA president "Johnny" Infantino, his government published an equally ostentatious national security strategy. This relatively short paper is saturated with pure Trump and Trumpism. It begins with the typically humble claim that the president has brought back "the United States and the globe – back from the edge of disaster and disaster."
Even though the document largely codifies the ongoing actions and statements of Trump and his team, it must be heeded as a serious caution for the international community, and for the European continent specifically.
The document advocates for an assertive form of foreign-policy meddling where the US clearly sets the goal of "fostering European greatness." Its language could have been taken straight from addresses by Viktor Orbán during the so-called refugee crisis of 2015-16: "Our desire is for Europe to stay European, to reclaim its civilizational self-assurance." More worryingly, the document claims that Europe's "economic decline is overshadowed by the genuine and more stark possibility of civilizational erasure."
The entire section dedicated to Europe is steeped in generations of European right-wing dogma and propaganda. The EU and its migration policies are held responsible for "transforming the continent and creating strife, suppression of free speech and suppression of dissent, cratering birthrates, and erosion of national identities and self-confidence." Per the document, if "current trajectories continue, the continent will be unrecognizable in 20 years or less. As such, it is far from obvious whether certain European countries will have economies and militaries powerful enough to remain dependable allies." In fact, the Trump administration asserts that "within a few decades at the latest, some NATO members will become majority non-European."
"U.S. foreign policy should continue to champion authentic democracy, freedom of expression, and proud commemorations of European nations’ individual character and history."
These points carry powerful echoes of two concepts regarded as core for modern far-right circles. The first is Oswald Spengler's "The Decline of the West," whose argument on the inevitable fall of civilizations was employed by the German far right to attack the "decadence" and "enfeeblement" of the democratic Weimar Republic. The second is "Le Grand Remplacement," published in 2011 by French novelist Renaud Camus, who transformed long-existing "indigenous" fears into a more overt conspiracy theory, accusing European elites of using immigration to substitute rebellious "indigenous" populations and import a more docile and dependent electorate.
It is the nationalist fever dream contained in both ideas that gives the Trump administration the right, if not the duty, to intervene in European affairs, the document suggests. And it is clear where it identifies its allies: "The United States urges its ideological partners in Europe to advance this revival of national spirit, and the increasing clout of nationalist European parties in fact gives cause for great optimism."
Put simply, the US contends that it is essential to its national security to "Restore European strength," and that the European far right is the sole movement that can accomplish this. Consequently, its "overarching strategy for Europe" prioritises "cultivating opposition to Europe’s current trajectory within European nations" – understood as the far right – and "strengthening the healthy nations of central, eastern, and southern Europe" – in particular "aligned countries that want to restore their past glory" – such as Hungary and Italy.
While the document stays vague on implementation, it is obvious that a key aim is to pressure Europe to adopt a radical policy on freedom of speech, more aligned with the US model – particularly regarding right-wing speech – and not just on social media. Another is to normalize relations with Russia; or, as the document phrases it, to "restore strategic stability with Russia." Although the country is not directly called a future ally, the Trump administration evidently does not regard Russia as an adversary either.
In a broader sense, the national security strategy takes its inspiration less from the glorified US of the 1950s and more from the Monroe Doctrine of 1823. Articulated by President James Monroe, this warned European powers not to meddle in the "western hemisphere," which he proclaimed to be the US’s sphere of interest. The Trump administration’s policy document vows to "assert and enforce a Trump corollary" to the Monroe Doctrine, which entails the US "recruiting" countries worldwide that wish to help safeguard US national interests.
This is entirely new – consider JD Vance’s speech at the 2025 Munich Security Conference, where the vice-president unleashed an assault on Europe’s democratic model. But maybe now that it is laid out in an official document, European leaders will at last understand that the stance is grave. And if the document is too long or imprecise for them, it can be condensed in plain and concise terms: the current US government holds that its national security is most enhanced by the destruction of liberal democracy in Europe. To put it bluntly, the US is not just an unwilling ally; it is a willing adversary. It is time to respond accordingly.
A tech enthusiast and business strategist with over a decade of experience in digital transformation and startup consulting.